基于网络药理学的鸦胆子活性成分抗肿瘤分子机制

目的 利用网络药理学方法探索鸦胆子抗肿瘤有效成分、潜在靶点及通路，探讨其“多成分-多靶点-多通路”的抗肿瘤作用机制。方法 ①从中药系统药理学数据库和分析平台中筛选出鸦胆子潜在的15个活性成分，根据DrugBank获取这15个活性成分的158个潜在靶分子。②利用String数据库构建这些靶分子的蛋白质-蛋白质相互作用网络，其中节点度值最高的基因JUN定义为核心基因，利用癌症和肿瘤基因图谱分析其在多个肿瘤中的作用。③利用R语言Cluster profiler包将这些靶分子进行基因功能分析和基因功能富集分析。结果 获取了鸦胆子潜在的15个活性成分，158个潜在靶分子及活性成分-靶蛋白网络，并发现了其在多种肿瘤、多种成分、多种通路有着不同的比重和作用。结论 网络药理学方法可为解析鸦胆子多成分、多靶点、多通路、多肿瘤的关系网络，阐述其抗肿瘤的分子机制提供思路和方法，为其临床应用提供相应的理论依据。     

Gettin’ Down Home With the Neelys: gastro-porn and televisual performances of gender,race, and sexuality

This article illuminates how performances of gender, race, and sexuality are integrated with representations of food and food performance in contemporary American cooking television. Interrogating the intersections of food, gender, race, sexuality, and performance, this essay explores how the cable-television show, Down Home with the Neelys, depicts a nouveau gastro-porn anchored in the perceived pornographic level of blackness itself. The author reveals the ways that food and performances of food become a medium of gendering and racialization employed by American popular media. Through the lens of reality television, shows like Down Home (re)produce a certain type of black heterosexuality and gendered enactments of domesticity and space, while challenging dominant televisual reflections of black love and labor. The author argues that the Neelys self-consciously employ a vernacular aesthetic performative of “down home” (a uniquely classed, temporally–spatially situated, and sexualized blackness) to exploit the phenomenon of gastro-porn in a highly lucrative performance that signals the entangled artifice of gender, race, and sexuality. More than offering culinary expertise and education, such cooking instruction reveals the pedagogy of gender, race, and sexuality as visual lessons of a complex and contradictory authenticity. This essay reveals television cooking shows as critical sites for considering the domestic laboring of gendered and racialized sexualities. In particular, shows like Down Home evince the ways that race continues to be rendered in visual terms and the enduring edibility of blackness.     

中职学校教师的资源共享平台建设

在先进的网络技术支持下,构建一个教师的资源共享平台,有效地实现对知识的收集与存储、交流与共享、评价与创新。让中职学校的教师们形成一个知识团队,摆脱教学困境,发挥集体智慧的力量去实现教育目标。     

印尼华人家庭媒体使用现状分析——基于对雅加达500余名新生代华裔青少年的调查

调查发现，就印尼华人家庭而言，代际不同，对媒体的使用倾向也不相同。祖辈常用媒体依次为报纸、广播、影视、杂志和网络；父辈最常用的媒体依次为报纸、影视、杂志、广播和网络。新生代华裔青少年常用媒体依次为网络、影视、广播、杂志和报纸。要提高中国传统文化的传播效度，必须注意传播策略，重视网络与影视的作用。     

元代以来地方行政价值实现的审视--结合“公共管理模型”与“地方行政史例”

基于Christopher Hood公共管理三重价值的视角，选取元以降（元、明、清、民国）四个历史单元为案例，审视和比较其地方行政的演化轨迹、横纵架构和运行成效。尝试一个“西方当代公共管理理论”和“中国古代地方行政实践”相结合的独特研究路径，结合“管理模型”和“史料分析”，构建一个地方行政价值实现的框架模型（LAVAM），探究地方行政的纵向组织层级、横向权力统分与公共管理三重价值——公正、效率、稳健之间的联系与规律，以现代公共管理理论和研究方法剖析元以降地方行政历史演化的客观规律和内在逻辑，启迪地方行政改革与央地关系探索“，以今审古”“、以古鉴今”。     

Political attitude estimation through Facebook like: a South Korean case study

Recently numerous studies are conducted to estimate the human personality from the online social activities. This paper develops a comprehensive model for political attitude estimation leveraging the Facebook Like information of the users. We designed a Facebook Crawler that efficiently collects data overcoming the difficulties in crawling Ajax enabled Facebook pages. We show that the category level selection can reduce the data analysis complexity utilizing the sparsity of the huge like-attitude matrix. In the Korean Facebook users’ context, only 28 criteria (3% of the total) can estimate the political polarity of the user with high accuracy (AUC of 0.82).     

大学生社会网络、知识水平与地位获得——基于西部高校学生调查的实证分析

大学生在日常生活中,通过自主建构的社会网络来加强自身的隐性和显性知识等人力资本储备,进而影响到他们在未来劳动力市场中的地位。实证发现,个体与级别高、资历深、有威望的人员交往对于知识获得,尤其是对隐性知识获得意义深远。通过建立多层次线性模型进一步证实,大学生可以通过社会网络的知识获得机制,促进职业地位获得。文章初步认为非正式的社会网络是除学校教育、职业培训外,另一条人力资本投资途径。     

Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

The Engage programme and the Government Communication Network in the UK, 2006–2010

The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.